When Dictators Meet: The Impact of the SCO Summit in Tianjin

Sub-title

Tianjin 2025: Xi, Modi, and Putin rehearse an alternative order to the West

Introduction

On September 1, 2025, the port city of Tianjin became the stage for a summit heavy with symbolism and strategic implications. Under the banner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), three leaders who, each in their own way, shape the contours of today’s multipolar world — Xi Jinping, Narendra Modi, and Vladimir Putin — sat side by side to deliver distinct but converging messages.

What might appear to some as just another regional summit was, in fact, a rehearsal for global realignment. Xi condemned Western “bullying” while launching new financial and technological instruments; Modi insisted on fighting terrorism without “double standards” and framed his vision in the triad of Security–Connectivity–Opportunity; Putin sought to rewrite the story of the war in Ukraine, blaming NATO expansion rather than Russian aggression.

For Western readers, the key point is this: the summit was not just about protocol or rhetoric. It was a warning. Today there are parallel mechanisms — banks, energy platforms, satellite systems — designed to reduce reliance on the West and, ultimately, weaken the effectiveness of sanctions and traditional alliances.

Tianjin should therefore not be read as a footnote in international diplomacy, but as a milestone in the consolidation of an alternative order. It is the snapshot of three political projects — Chinese authoritarianism, Indian strategic nationalism, and Russian revisionism — that, despite internal fractures, find enough common ground to challenge the balance of global power.

II. The Three Messages in Detail

1. Xi Jinping: Multipolarity as Infrastructure

China’s president opened the summit with a clear message: multipolarity cannot remain rhetoric; it must translate into concrete instruments of power.

• Robust economic package: $1.4 billion in loans and $280 million in grants for SCO members — a gesture that works as both financial support and a tool of diplomatic leverage.

• Institutionalization of power: acceleration of a SCO Development Bank to fund regional projects and creation of an international energy platform to coordinate oil and gas flows outside Western markets.

• Strategic technology: access to BeiDou (China’s alternative to GPS) for SCO members, reinforcing technological autonomy in both civilian and military sectors.

For Xi, Tianjin was not just about statements. It was an attempt to consolidate the SCO as an institutional counterweight to Western-led financial, energy, and technological systems.

2. Narendra Modi: Security Without Hypocrisy

India’s prime minister, more restrained in tone, carried a double message: firmness against terrorism and affirmation of India’s strategic autonomy.

• Counterterrorism: condemned the Pahalgam attacks in Kashmir, demanding that there be “no double standards” in labeling and fighting terrorism — a veiled reference to Pakistan and to the international community’s selective approach.

• The S–C–O strategic triad: Modi framed India’s vision with three words — Security, Connectivity, Opportunity. Beyond wordplay, the point was clear: India sees the SCO as a space for practical cooperation, not ideological alignment.

• Autonomy preserved: India continues to cooperate with Moscow and Beijing in regional forums while maintaining robust partnerships with the U.S., Europe, and Japan in defense and technology.

In Tianjin, Modi reinforced India’s image as a balancing power — neither a Chinese satellite nor a Western pawn.

3. Vladimir Putin: Rewriting the Ukraine War

Russia’s president used the stage to advance his narrative on the war in Ukraine.

• Blaming NATO, not Moscow: Putin claimed the conflict stemmed from a Western-backed coup in Kyiv and NATO expansion, not from Russia’s invasion.

• Diplomacy as a valve: praised China and India’s diplomatic roles, and even referenced “initial understandings” from recent talks with Washington in Alaska.

• Strategic alignment: alongside Xi and Modi, Putin signaled he is not isolated. The SCO provides him with legitimacy, partners, and a platform to broadcast his version of events.

Putin’s bottom line was unmistakable: any resolution must address NATO enlargement and acknowledge Russia’s sphere of influence.

Section Summary

• Xi: money, bank, energy, satellites — concrete alternatives to Western dominance.

• Modi: terrorism, connectivity, opportunity — a balanced act of strategic autonomy.

• Putin: NATO, history, multipolarity — reframing war as defense, not aggression.

III. What’s Really at Stake

1. An Alternative Financial Architecture

By announcing a SCO Development Bank, Xi Jinping signaled that the organization aims to evolve beyond a security forum into a parallel financial hub.

• Implication for the West: If structured like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) — with solid capitalization and fewer political strings — it could attract nations wary of IMF and World Bank conditions.

• Structural risk: Western sanctions lose effectiveness if targeted countries can access credit lines outside Bretton Woods institutions.

2. Energy and Trade Routes Beyond Western Control

The proposed SCO International Energy Platform seeks to coordinate oil and gas exchanges among Russia, Iran, Central Asia, and South Asia.

• Implication for the SCO: creates regional energy swaps less dependent on Western markets, potentially using local currencies instead of the dollar.

• Risk for the West: this reduces the dominance of the petrodollar and creates a parallel market that can offer discounts and off-the-record contracts.

3. Dual-Use Technology and Strategic Autonomy

Opening access to BeiDou, China’s GPS alternative, gives SCO members technological redundancy for both civilian navigation and military use (missiles, drones, logistics).

• Implication for the SCO: reinforces intra-bloc trust and interoperability.

• Risk for the West: dilutes the strategic advantage of controlling global positioning systems, especially in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific.

4. India’s Autonomy as a Pivot

By emphasizing Security–Connectivity–Opportunity, India avoids locking itself fully into either Western or Sino-Russian camps.

• Implication for the SCO: keeps the bloc inclusive, though less cohesive.

• Risk for the West: India may play both sides, benefiting from Russian energy and Chinese infrastructure while still cooperating with Washington and Brussels — undermining attempts to isolate Moscow and contain Beijing.

5. The Geopolitical Choreography

The military parade that capped the summit was not mere spectacle. It was a deliberate display that the SCO aspires to be seen as a coalition with muscle.

• Implication for the SCO: legitimizes it as a platform for not just economics, but also security.

• Risk for the West: strengthens the perception of a “Non-Aligned 2.0” club — but one that is armed, financed, and technologically structured.

Section Summary

What’s at stake goes far beyond speeches:

• Finance: a parallel to IMF/World Bank.

• Energy: a circuit outside Western markets.

• Technology: redundancy that erodes exclusivity.

• Balance: India as a pivot.

• Symbols: military optics that legitimize multipolarity.

IV. Convergences and Fractures within the Troika

A. Points of Convergence

1. Shared language against “hegemony” and “bullying”Xi framed the summit around denouncing Western “bullying” and “Cold War mentality.” Putin echoed him, blaming NATO and the West for global instability. Together they reinforced the multipolar narrative that resonates across Eurasia.

2. Institutional alternatives (bank, energy, satellites)Xi’s proposals — a SCO Development Bank, energy coordination platform, and BeiDou access — were presented as building blocks for a self-sufficient bloc. The optics conveyed a coordinated strategy to reduce reliance on Western institutions.

3. Choreographed solidarityPhoto ops, bilateral handshakes, and the appearance of camaraderie all underscored that China, Russia, and India can stand together tactically — even without forming a formal anti-Western alliance.

4. Coordination against sanctions Recent moves, like China and Russia aligning with Iran in rejecting renewed European sanctions, suggest the SCO is becoming a political rallying point for resisting Western economic pressure.

B. Points of Fracture

1. Terrorism and the “double standard” debate Modi placed terrorism at the center, demanding “no double standards.” This exposed fault lines: for India, Pakistan’s role and China’s hedging remain unresolved. The fact that Modi forced this language into the final communiqué highlights India’s leverage, but also the bloc’s fragility.

2. China–India border distrustDespite warm optics, the shadow of past clashes in Ladakh and Galwan persists. The handshake may reduce risks, but it is risk management, not reconciliation.

3. Ukraine: Russia’s narrative is not SCO consensusPutin insists NATO expansion is the root cause of war. India avoids endorsing that line, focusing instead on pragmatic interests, while China signals “pro-Moscow neutrality” but keeps reputational and economic costs in check. The result: controlled dissonance.

4. Consensus as both strength and weaknessSCO decisions require unanimity. That gives all members a voice, but also means single-issue disputes (India–Pakistan, China–India) can block progress — as seen when terrorism wording stalled previous SCO meetings.

C. Operational Takeaway

• Convergences: anti-hegemonic language, institutional alternatives, public optics of unity.

• Fractures: terrorism debates, border disputes, and Ukraine’s unresolved narrative.

• Bottom line: the SCO consolidates as a platform to pressure the West, but its internal coherence depends on case-by-case bargaining.

V. Why It Matters

1. For Europe and the United States: Exposed Vulnerabilities

• Sanctions less effective: If the SCO consolidates its own development bank and parallel energy routes, Western sanctions lose bite. Targeted states will have survival mechanisms outside the IMF, World Bank, and the petrodollar.

• Duplicated strategic technologies: With BeiDou in play, the West no longer enjoys exclusive control of global navigation systems. This erodes its technological edge, especially in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific.

• Fragmented diplomacy: By legitimizing alternative forums, Beijing, Moscow, and New Delhi push non-aligned countries toward “SCO solutions”, undermining the West’s ability to set global norms.

2. For the SCO: Ambition Meets Fragility

• Ambition: Tianjin was a leap forward — from a loose security club to a bloc with financial, energy, and tech pillars. Xi’s vision was to position the SCO as an institutional counterweight to Bretton Woods and the G7.

• Fragility: The SCO’s consensus-only rule means internal disputes (China–India, India–Pakistan) can stall progress. It gains visibility but lacks cohesion.

• Military symbolism: The closing parade was more than spectacle; it was a signal that the SCO sees itself as a coalition with hard power — a kind of Non-Aligned 2.0, but with money, weapons, and satellites.

3. The Risk for the “Free World”

The greatest danger is not a formal anti-Western alliance, but the gradual erosion of dependence on Western institutions.

• Each loan issued by a SCO bank instead of the IMF,

• each oil deal settled in yuan, rubles, or rupees instead of dollars,

• each port running on BeiDou instead of GPS,

chips away at the Western-led order built since 1945. The process is incremental, subtle, and accumulative — until one day the shift becomes irreversible.

Graphic Box:

3×3 — Three Leaders, Three Messages

Xi Jinping (China)

• Finance: SCO Development Bank.

• Integrate: International energy platform.

• Redundancy: BeiDou as an alternative to GPS.

Narendra Modi (India)

• Security: Counterterrorism without double standards.

• Connectivity: Regional infrastructure and corridors.

• Opportunity: Inclusive economic development.

Vladimir Putin (Russia)

• NATO: War framed as a result of NATO expansion.

• History: Kyiv “coup” as the origin of the crisis.

• Multipolarity: Legitimizing an alternative order.

VI. Conclusion: A Necessary Awakening

The Tianjin summit was not just another diplomatic gathering. It was the staging of an alternative to the West.

• Xi Jinping brought money, institutions, and satellites to turn the SCO into an instrument of power.

• Narendra Modi elevated the fight against terrorism while proving India can cooperate without surrendering its autonomy.

• Vladimir Putin used the platform to blame NATO and legitimize his war narrative.

The outcome is a bloc that is flexible yet functional: convergences strong enough to erode the liberal order, and fractures that do not prevent tactical cooperation.

For Europe and the United States, the threat is not immediate but structural. Each alternative loan, each oil swap settled outside the dollar, each BeiDou signal replacing GPS weakens Western exclusivity and influence. Erosion comes quietly — slow, cumulative, almost invisible — until one day the shift becomes irreversible.

Tianjin must therefore be read as a turning point. The “free world” cannot afford complacency. It must renew alliances, modernize its instruments, and speak clearly to the Global South if it wants to prevent the next decade from being shaped by institutions and routes that belong to others.

VII. Editorial Close: A Wake-Up Call to the Reader

The Tianjin summit made one fact unmistakable: the global chessboard has shifted. Xi, Modi, and Putin showed the world that there is now a parallel path — with their own banks, their own energy markets, and their own satellites. It is not yet a fully formed new order, but it is a credible rehearsal for dismantling the old one.

For Western readers, the real danger lies not in a dramatic declaration of an anti-Western alliance, but in the slow-motion erosion of Western influence.

• Each loan signed outside the IMF,

• each barrel of oil traded beyond the petrodollar,

• each port that relies on BeiDou instead of GPS,

chips away at the foundations of the system we have taken for granted since 1945.

The question is simple, but urgent:Are we prepared to compete with this new multipolar architecture, or will we keep reacting too late, relying on institutions whose weight is already fading?

Tianjin was a warning shot. The free world must answer — not tomorrow, not in the next decade, but now.

Works Cited

• Associated Press (AP). “China’s Xi seeks expanded role for Shanghai Cooperation Organization at Tianjin summit.” AP News, September 1, 2025. Link

• The Times (UK). “Xi criticises ‘bullying countries’ at summit with Putin and Modi.” The Times, September 1, 2025. Link

• The Guardian. “Xi Jinping attacks ‘bullying behaviour’ as SCO summit opens in Tianjin.” The Guardian, September 1, 2025. Link

• Economic Times (India). “Terror financing, Ukraine & global bullies: What troika of Modi, Putin & Xi said at SCO summit.” Economic Times, September 1, 2025. Link

• Reuters. “After talks with Xi, Modi, Putin says NATO enlargement has to be addressed on Ukraine.” Reuters, September 1, 2025. Link

• Economic Times (India). “PM Modi outlines SCO strategy: Security, Connectivity, Opportunity.” Economic Times, September 1, 2025.

Author’s Note — On Sources

You will notice that this article does not rely on American media outlets. This is not accidental. My goal is to present the facts of the Tianjin summit through perspectives that are less entangled with Washington’s political narratives. Too often, American coverage of global affairs carries a framing that serves domestic debates more than international truth.

Instead, I have drawn from European and Asian publications (The Guardian, The Times, Reuters, Economic Times, AP), which offer diverse vantage points and allow me to write with greater balance for my intended audience — readers in Europe, Africa, and the Lusophone world.

Having lived through the Cold War in Angola and Portugal, I know too well the weight of propaganda, whether Eastern or Western. In my writing, I choose to stand apart from those distortions. Truth, as I see it, must emerge from multiple perspectives, not just the dominant one.